Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has lost no time in reassuring Bhutan of India’s “unflinching and steadfast” support after election results came in on Saturday and it became clear that the Opposition People’s Democratic Party headed by Tshering Tobgay — who should be the new Prime Minister — had pretty much trounced the Druk Phuensum Tshogpa led by former PM Jigmi Y. Thinley in the country’s second national election. Dr Singh’s message signifies more than the practise of diplomatic rituals.
This in no small degree is on account of unhappiness in Bhutan — and this showed in the poll campaign — following the closure of Indian kerosene oil and gas subsidies to Bhutan at the end of June when the official arrangement covering this expired. Given the special and unique nature of India-Bhutan ties, such a situation should never have arisen. India’s plea that it was waiting for the election to get over, and the new government to take charge, is hardly convincing.
Bhutan is India’s most valued neighbour and Saarc partner. It is crucial to the security of this country’s Himalayan frontiers, given that China lies to its north. Although a sovereign country and not an Indian “protectorate” by any means, as used to be the case in the days of British India, Thimphu does allow itself to be broadly guided by India in its foreign, defence and commercial policy. Bhutan’s traditionally warm ties with this country were further strengthened after China gobbled up Tibet in 1950, culturally intimidating Buddhist Bhutan and Buddhist Sikkim (which in the ’70s acceded to India).
Given the history, and the recent ruffling of feathers in India-China relations on account of strange Chinese behaviour on the LAC in eastern Ladakh, it was imprudent of Mr Thinley to engage the Chinese Prime Minister in official conversation on the sidelines of an international meet and keeping New Delhi in the dark about it. But there were diplomatic ways to deal with such a development.
Not automatically renewing the immediately needed subsidy, as this touches ordinary folk, left New Delhi open to the charge of taking sides in Bhutan’s internal affairs (disfavouring DPT), even if this is misplaced and unintended. Mr Thinley’s party has lost badly, but most of its former ministers have won, and the DPT has taken Thimphu and Paro. The former, a commercial centre besides being the capital city, has traditionally harboured some anti-India sentiment, which is now open to further manipulation. A pity the mandarins in South Block did not look far enough.