Take off the cloak of identity politics

First, the disclosure. I am delighted that Pranab Mukherjee seems all set to be our next President. No, not because he is a Bengali. Trust me, if he was a nincompoop from our neighbourhood who was running for President, we would not be rooting for him.

But having a charismatic leader at the helm, even if largely symbolic, is reason for joy. So like millions of Indians all over the country, I am delighted that we may have in these troubled times a dependable President, deserving of the dignity of the office. A President who knows the Constitution like the back of his hand. Who is an astute politician with immense wisdom, a clear head, excellent diplomatic skills and vast experience in steering the country through troubled waters. A President who can really and truly advise Parliament and the government. Like former President K.R. Narayanan, Mr Mukherjee is unlikely to be just a “rubber stamp”.
There is also a sense of relief as we focus on real politik instead of tokenism and identity politics. We are not smugly gurgling about a “dalit” or a “Muslim” or a “woman”. This presidential election is about an individual, a political stalwart, a respected Indian who can draw support even from unlikely quarters. It is about the credibility of the Congress Party. About the reliability of partners in government. It is about how the forever shifting coalition statistics may play out in the near future, especially in the 2014 parliamentary polls.
But can there really be an election in India without identity politics? Backed by the BJP, P.A. Sangma, former Speaker of the Lok Sabha, broke away from the NCP, the party he had co-founded, to contest Mr Mukherjee. And he is playing the tribal card with fervour. Since “tribals have not been given their due” he was appealing to “the conscience of the nation”, he declared. “We have given our land, our forest, our natural resources,” he appealed passionately, “…please recognise us!”
But is tokenism the only way to improve the lot of adivasis and our other indigenous populations? Can’t we take concrete steps to improve the lot of the disadvantaged instead? We had an outstanding President who was a dalit, does it prevent atrocities against dalits? We have had Muslim Presidents, but Muslims are still discriminated against and severely disadvantaged. We now have a woman President. But our motherland continues to bristle with honour killings, dowry deaths and female foeticide. So no, tokenism does not help on its own. We need more concrete steps.
And what message does the idea of a “conscience” vote give out? That usually in matters of politics we keep our conscience shushed and locked out? That politics is devoid of scruples? That’s largely true, of course. So maybe it is time to admit it and give our conscience a larger say in matters of politics. Especially when you have a secret ballot.
Sadly, this presidential race showcases the sly, immature, suspicious blackmailing wheels that turn our democratic machinery. It highlights the destructive obtuseness of political allies who shamelessly hawk their support for a price and attack viciously when declined. It also shows up the curious culture of opposing a candidate just for the sake of it. Even Mr Mukherjee’s own party seemed hesitant to announce his candidature till their hand was forced. From the start, this race seems to be sweeping the flashlight on a multi-party lattice of destructive tendencies that adorns our democracy.
The most dramatic of which was, of course, Mamata Banerjee’s ignoble attempt to blackmail and revenge kill. In short, she made it clear that unless Mr Mukherjee gave her money she would not support his candidature. Bengal is bankrupt, she hollered, demanding a special bailout package. As finance minister for all of India, Mr Mukherjee refused. He could not break rules to give special treatment to his home state. The Queen of Bengal raged and ranted and went on record doubting Mr Mukherjee’s loyalty to Bengal and his very identity. “Is he a son of Bengal?” she spat out. “I don’t think so.”
Ms Banerjee periodically believes in identity politics. When there were murmurs of Mr Mukherjee’s possible candidature, she suggested the name of Meira Kumar, saying that she was both a woman and a dalit. Later, displaying unbelievable discourtesy by disclosing to the media the names of Congress’ candidates after stepping out of a meeting with Sonia Gandhi, she nixed both the suggested names: Mr Mukherjee and Hamid Ansari. Then she bandied a curiously silent Mulayam Singh Yadav as a partner in protest to take the mickey out of the distressed UPA’s Plan B (to rely on Mr Yadav if Ms Banerjee opts out). And her suggested candidates — A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, Somnath Chatterjee and Manmohan Singh — again sought the safety of identity politics. A Muslim for a Muslim, a Bengali for a Bengali, and the PM for a slap on the UPA’s face. Of course all three are excellent names on their own, but used at the wrong time in the wrong place with a wrong motive.
In the next act of the drama, the slap hurtled back to her, when Mr Yadav offered his support for Mr Mukherjee. Queen Banerjee’s bluff had been called. Bizarrely, Queen B took to the Internet to whip up support for Dr Kalam as President. Disregarding the fact that unlike other elections, the aam janata has no say in the presidential election. And that Dr Kalam was not open to a contest.
Meanwhile, Mr Mukherjee’s clout is increasing. With the support of the BSP, the SP, the CPM and the Forward Block added to the UPA, and with the Shiv Sena and the JD(U) breaking rank with the NDA to support him, he already has a clear majority. Even if his generous attempts to win over Queen B don’t work. As Mr Mukherjee said magnanimously, with Queen B’s dagger still lodged in his back, so to speak, “She is like my sister. I will seek her support.” Presumably that is exactly what he is doing right now, in Kolkata. (And she must be a sister — you can choose your friends.)
We must not devalue the office of the President by confining it to identity politics and reducing it to a rubber stamp. President Narayanan, who called himself a “working President, working within the four corners of the Constitution”, had started a process of reconverting the “rubber stamp” into the First Citizen of India. Hopefully the new President will continue that process of empowering the celebrated post.