In politics, caste can’t be cast away

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Politics in Karnataka, like in the rest of India, is closely linked to calculations of caste alliances and combinations. Within the three major political parties in Karnataka, political strategies and key manoeuvers are often linked to the impact and implications of the caste factor. Karnataka politics has often centered around the role of the two dominant castes in the state - the Lingayats and Vokkaligas.

There is a debate on the population share of the dominant castes in view of the absence of an authentic caste-based census. Most projections are based on extrapolation from the 1931 caste census. The two dominant castes are believed to account for around 28% of the state’s population. However, between themselves, they have always accounted for more than half the members of the legislative assembly and a critical chunk of ministerial berths and key portfolios.

When Mr Yeddyurappa, an influential leader from among the powerful Lingayat caste picked Mr Sadanananda Gowda from the Vokkaliga dominant caste as his successor, many saw it is a shrewd move to consolidate the BJP support base within the two dominant castes. Mr Yeddyurappa had hoped that he would still be seen as representing the Lingayats with a Vokkaliga face in the Chief Minister’s position. The play of politics dictated a different political trend. A major worry for the BJP today is the impact of the Yeddyurappa dissent on the support it has enjoyed from the Lingayat community. In the last few elections, the state saw a steady consolidation of the Lingayat vote in favour of the BJP. The moves within the BJP, to project Mr Jagadish Shettar as an alternate Lingayat face, is clearly a strategy to offset any negative fallout of Mr Yeddyurappa’s rebellion and possible future actions.

In the recent past, the Vokkaliga vote has witnessed a three-way split between the major parties in the state. The Old Mysore region is the traditional Vokkaliga heartland and traditionally, the competition in this region has been between Congress and Janata Party/Dal. Over the last decade, BJP had registered its presence in some pockets of the Old Mysore region. With a leader from this caste in the Chief Minister’s chair, the BJP would like to cash in on the possible support it can garner from this dominant social group. The Janata Dal (Secular) on the other hand, would like to consolidate its votes among the V

(Dr Sandeep Shastri is Pro Vice-Chancellor, Jain University and director, Centre for Research in Social Sciences and Education)