In today’s environment where citizens justifiably demand a transparent and accountable government, state administrations are on their toes to meet people’s expectations. Many a time, governments wriggle out of compelling situations in the guise of consulting all parties or experts. They may even search for an elusive consensus on methods in tackling corruption only to camouflage their lack of political will. Setting up a separate “department of good governance, eradication of corruption and public service” may sound routine, boring and downright bureaucratic. Notwithstanding the environment we have referred to above, only a few states are daring to think “out of the box”.
Uttarakhand is the first state in the country to create a dedicated ministry for bringing in necessary administrative reforms to reduce nepotism and red tape. It shall endeavour from within, as it were, to weed out such riddles in government set-up that breed corruption. It is a good augury that the government has made sure that beginning with the chief minister, the entire Cabinet and top officials of the state administration have declared their assets.
Even as the Central government is playing hot and cold on the Lokpal Bill, the BJP government in Uttarakhand surprised everyone by quietly passing the Lokayukta Bill in the state Assembly. A good look at the Act explains why it is model legislation for establishing a strong and effective Lokayukta. The body of the Lokayukta and not a person is emphasised and the process of their appointment has place for least government intervention. It sets a time limit for investigation and has empowered the body to conduct searches, seizures, attachments and confiscation of ill-gotten wealth. It shall discourage frivolous and false complaints while protecting whistleblowers. Saner thoughts eventually guided the opposition Congress Party in the state, which, emulating its central party, initially tried to delay the passing of the bill.
Furthermore, drawing inspiration from Madhya Pradesh and Bihar and in order to boost its objective of being accountable, the government has also passed the Uttarakhand Right to Service Act, 2011. Over 80 basic services are brought under the purview of this act, wherein services are mandated to be provided within a prescribed time extendable twice under appeal. Post these stages, failure to deliver will be punishable with fine and punitive action. The delinquent officer and not the government shall pay the fine.
To meet the fallout of these progressive legislations and in order not to burden the existing courts with additional cases, the government has also passed the Uttarakhand Special Courts Act, 2011. This Act enables setting up of special courts to deal with cases related to corruption on a day-to-day basis, without adjournment. In these special courts, cases are expected to conclude within a year.
It is apparent that the Uttarakhand government has taken up the issue of eradicating corruption in a manner that is comprehensive and well thought out. A basket of legislations have been passed; three explained above and the fourth — the Uttarakhand Transfer for Public Servants Act, 2011. Governance and effective service delivery depend on the real time presence of public servants at their work posts. Their transfers can become an issue to reckon with, with many preferring to be nearer the state/district headquarters. This is the case in most states; in states with remote areas in the folds of mountain chains, the problem can be very acute. Governments can delay service delivery to its people for want of effective transfer and posting policy. Uttarakhand has addressed this issue by dividing the state into two broad categories — “hard” and “easy” and within each there are sub-categories of “accessible” and “remote”. The state has also stipulated an annual calendar wherein decisions of transfer shall be taken and announced through the government’s website. Transparency and parity among employees are kept as paramount principles. The government has ensured all employees’ unions and associations are taken on board in this matter.
For Uttarakhand, a small hill state with limited manpower in administration and policing, the peaceful and incident-free conduct of the Mahakumbh during which period more than 10 crore pilgrims and other tourists descended on the banks of the sacred Ganga is no mean achievement. But employment generation cannot merely depend on the planetary movements in the zodiac. The NDA government under Atal Behari Vajpayee had provided for a special package, without discrimination, for all hill and the northeastern states. It was aimed at employment generation in these hilly and difficult terrains. The states have international borders and the need to keep youth productively engaged is underlined by our security considerations too. The package, which could have lasted till 2014, was abruptly discontinued by the UPA just for Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh, both BJP-ruled, whilst justifiably continuing for the northeastern states.
Uttarakhand had also issued subsidised rice and wheat for both people below and above poverty line. Monetary and material support to the poor and the destitute is necessary. Water, electricity, roads and sanitation are no longer seen as facilities but as essential services that governments are duty bound to provide.
For a young state of just 10 years after its formation Uttarakhand has come a long way. The BJP government has struck the right chord with the people who have voted it to power. Speaking at the India Today State of the State Conclave 2011, the chief minister of Uttarakhand, Maj. Gen. B.C. Khanduri, made an interesting observation: “Political will should not simply suggest the will of politician. Politics in its broadest sense denotes the way a society is organised. Hence to me political will represents the intent and aspirations of various strata of society.”
Governments can no longer wait and watch without attempting to understand the intent and aspirations of its people. In general, name calling those who
articulate and advocate people’s aspirations can only be counter-productive. Urban, rural, caste, religion, gender and class are all in it
together, albeit in disproportionate numbers. Waiting for each to answer the roster call just for us to be convinced about equal identity representation will only make us appear as a hindrance. Time is up for all to respond. Uttarakhand has shown us the way.

The writer is spokesperson of the BJP. The views expressed in this column are her own.